
BEHIND THE SCENES WITH THE GAY AGENDA
June 8, 2009
The headlines are reading that New Hampshire just
became the sixth state to pass a same-sex marriage law but the
behind-the-scenes maneuvering tells a more interesting story.
Two weeks ago on May 20, the House and Senate had passed another
bill sanctioning gay and lesbian wedding ceremonies, but Gov. John
Lynch threatened to veto it.
The bill as written exempted clergy from having to perform same-sex
weddings, but Lynch [ also wanted safeguards for other church
employees and contractors, such as organists and relationship
counselors, who might have moral objections to facilitating same-sex
marriage. Senator Deborah Reynolds, a Democrat representing a more
conservative region of the state, agreed, arguing that the
governor’s compromise was “respectful to both sides of the debate
and meets our shared goals of equality under the state laws for all
of the people of New Hampshire.”
“The governor articulated strong principles that needed to be
included in order for him to sign the bill,” said Colin Manning, the
governor’s spokesman. “While he will continue to talk with
lawmakers, those principles must be maintained in any final version
of the bill.”
At first, one the bill’s main sponsors, Rep. Jim Splaine ( D),
expressed optimism that amended legislation could move forward
rapidly. Both Senate President Sylvia Larson (D) and House Speaker
Terie Norelli ( D) predicted quick passage.
Instead, State Representative Steve Vaillancourt, an open gay
Republican, and a handful of his supporters angrily sided with
social conservatives in the Democrat-controlled House to vote down
the amended bill 188-186, just hours after it had been approved in
the Senate. Vaillancourt declared that he was not going to be
“bullied” into accepting an “inferior” bill with so many conditions
on the right to same-sex marriage.
The compromise that finally passed did move in the governor’s
direction: the legislature conceded the right of religious
organizations to have final control over their doctrines and
exempted churches from having to provide insurance and other
benefits to same-sex spouses of employees. Nevertheless, the
stonewalling of Rep, Vaillancourt and his colleagues has escalated
the stakes in the gay marriage debate.
Putting aside the merits of various arguments over how much the
Constitution protects traditional religious practices, such as
heterosexual marriage, efforts in earlier years to challenge laws
based on Judeo-Christian values at least demonstrated the good sense
not to coerce believers into morally objectionable acts. The
current wave of pro-gay marriage legislation goes a long step
further and may be used to infringe on religious freedoms by
requiring opponents to perform such marriages.
The 1962 Supreme Court ban on prayer in public schools did not
remove “under God” from the Pledge of Allegiance, nor did it
eliminate the option to educate one’s children at a religious
institution or to home schooling them. Similarly, the supposed
right to an abortion does not force pro-life taxpayers to subsidize
one. Or at least it didn’t until President Obama rescinded the
“Mexico City” policy.
What distinguishes the current wave of secular activism is its
willingness -- if not downright eagerness -- to push fundamentalist
Christians, Orthodox Jews, and other traditional believers into a
political corner, where compliance with the rule of new law is
tantamount to spiritual compromise. This is seen most dramatically
in the unwillingness to protect the religious workers from having to
facilitate same-sex weddings, but surfaces with many other items on
the liberal agenda: taxpayer funded abortion, state support for
assisted suicide, and even the resistance to tax credits for
parochial school tuitions.
This desire to coerce complicity from the faithful explains the
harsh attacks by liberal ideologues on less extreme allies who
sometimes try to find common ground with social conservatives.
Georgia Chief Justice Leah Ward Sears, who appeared on many lists of
candidates to succeed Supreme Court Justice Souter, has been
bitterly denounced by gay groups like Georgia Equity for joining the
staff of the New York-based think tank Institute for American Values
-- simply because the founder, David Blankenhorn, is personally
opposed to same-sex marriage.
In fact, the institute itself takes no position on the issue and has
scholars on both sides of the debate. Jonathan Rauch, a Brookings
Institution researcher who has written in favor of gay marriage, has
praised Blankenhorn and his institute for “trying to carve out a new
center” on socially controversial issues; but a live-and-let-live
center is not where today’s Left is content to go.
The good news for conservatives is that by pushing too hard for too
much social activists will overreach and inadvertently strengthen
their political opposition, which is what happened when the New
Hampshire legislature’s attempt to repair its May 20 bill was
unexpectedly defeated.
But it is nevertheless disturbing to realize how little America’s
Left, which claims such deep insight when it comes to the earth’s
ecology, understands of our social ecology – especially the
dependency of the nation’s economic and civic vitality on the
enthusiastic involvement of traditional religious believers.
At a recent conference organized by the Pew Forum on Religion and
Public Life, researchers Robert Putnam and David Campbell presented
data showing that religious Americans are by far and away “better
citizens.” They are more generous with their time and money, join
more civic organizations, attend more public meetings, start more
businesses, and are three to four times more socially committed than
the unaffiliated.
Those who lobby for the legalization of same-sex marriage,
taxpayer-funded abortions, assisted suicide laws, and other affronts
to traditional religious values like to portray themselves as
free-thinking liberators, extending the civil rights movement that
began for women and minorities a half-century ago. But pursuing the
kind of extreme agenda which, if enacted, would alienate the
nation’s most productive citizens from their laws, their courts, and
their political institutions seems a dubious sign of enlightenment.
We believe that the Constitution of the United States speaks for itself. There is no need to rewrite, change or reinterpret it to suit the fancies of special interest groups or protected classes.